WILIARD 
An  Oration. 


E 

286 
C4 
1821 


9 

PRONOUNCED  AT  CHARLESTOWN, 

ON    THE 

4ft\3\JlA,  1841, 

AT  THE   REQUEST   OF   THE   REPUBLICAN   CITIZENS   OF   THAT   TOWN, 
IN  COMMEMORATION 


OF 


BY  PAUL  WILLARD,  ESQ.       1 


TO   WHICH   IS   ADDED, 

REMARKS,  INTRODUCTORY  TO  THE  READING  OF  THE 

Declaration  of  Independence, 

ON  THE  SAME  OCCASION, 

BY  NATHANIEL  HALL  LORING. 

PUBLISHED    BY    THE    REQUEST    OF    THE   REPUBLICAN    CITIZENS    OJ1 
CHARLESTOWN. 


BOSTON: 
K.   BELLAMY PRINTS*. 

1821. 


SELF-GOVERNMENT  is  as  clear  and  indisputable  a  hu- 
man right  as  self-preservation.  We  need  not  search  the 
theories  of  the  civilian  or  moralist  for  the  truth  of  this  posi- 
tion. It  is  derived  from  the  very  nature  and  capacities  of 
man.  His  moral  and  social  qualities — his  ability  to  reason 
and  compare,  to  discriminate  between  good  and  evil,  and 
above  all,  his  unconquerable  love  of  self  and  desire  of  hap- 
piness, render  him  capable  of  this  elevated  purpose.  Yet, 
this  principle,  however  true  and  essential  to  human  welfare 
and  pleasing  to  human  pride,  has  been  reluctantly  recognized, 
and  is  comparatively  the  result  of  modern  innovation.  It 
was  not  the  interest  of  the  few  to  develope  it.  For  its  dis- 
covery would  prostrate  the  power,  which  accident  or  usur- 
pation had  given  them,  and  which  could  only  be  secured  by 
the  ignorance  of  the  many.  Aware  of  this,  individuals,  who 
have  seized  on  the  government  of  communities,  have  always 
made  it  their  primary  concern  to  shut  up  the  fountains  of 
knowledge,  and  divert  the  attention  of  the  multitude  from 
an  inquiry  into  'their  rights,  to  a  stupid  veneration  of  the 
power  that  oppresses  them. 

It  was  reserved  till  the  seventeenth  century,  for  our  im- 
mediate progenitors  to  embrace  the  doctrines  of  political 
equality  and  self-government,  and  to  restore  mankind  to  their 
rightful  condition  and  original  character.  This  was  not  the 


work  of  an  individual,  nor  4he  effect  of  chance.  It  was  the  ne- 
cessary consequence  of  a  combination  of  circumstances.  We 
cannot  ascribe  to  our  ancestors,  qualities  which  are  not  com- 
mon to  men,  nor  suppose  that  they  were  favored  with  any 
special  interpositions  of  Deity.  True  it  is,  they  committed 
their  lives  and  their  fortunes  to  the  hazard  of  the  waves,  and 
the  uncertainties  of  a  region  but  little  known.  Any  thing 
was  preferable  to  the  oppression  they  escaped.  It  was  even 
now.  that  the  revolution,  which  gave  us  our  liberties,had  com- 
menced. The  little  bark,  which  shoved  off  from  their  native 
shores,  amidst  darkness  and  doubts  and  perils,  carried  in 
its  bosom,  the  germ  of  a  powerful  people.  Human  nature 
received  a  new  impulse  and  began  now  to  draw  from  its  own 
vast  resources.  The  artificial  restraints,  which  had  fastened 
upon  the  society  they  had  left,  were  shaken  off,  and  the  mind 
had  free  scope'for  the  exercise  of  its  energies.  Removed 
from  the  vicinity  of  courts  and  the  influence  of  the  idolatry 
and  corruption  which  surround  them,  they  could  adopt  that 
plainness  and  simplicity  of  manners,  which  qualify  men  for 
hardship  and  exertion.  They  were  no  longer  terrified  by 
the  frown,  nor  intoxicated  by  the  smile  of  royalty.  Their 
senses  were  no  more  bewildered  by  the  pomp  and  parade 
and  mockery  of  kings.  They  began  to  receive  right  percep- 
tions of  things.  The  greatness  of  their  enterprize  and  its  suc- 
cessful result,  gave  them  a  confidence  in  their  own  strength, 
and  led  them  to  contemplate  their  exalted  powers  and  desti- 
ny. The  country  they  adopted  was  peculiarly  favourable  to 
the  encouragement  of  these  reflections.  Remote  from  the 
theatre,  where  our  species  has  always  been  depressed,  their 
spirits  were  not  broken,  and  their  hearts  appalled  by  the 
groan  of  the  oppressed,  and  the  song  and  revelry  of  the 
oppressor.  These  were  exchanged  for  the  howl  of  the  wil- 
derness and  the  roar  of  the  cataract.  But  the  productions  of 
nature  do  not  weaken  and  terrify  man.  He  knows  how  to 
enjoy,  to  improve,  or  subdue  them.  The  grandeur  of  its 


mountains,  the  majesty  and  beauty  of  its  streams,  and  the 
innumerable  glories  of  its  soil,  were  substituted  for  towers 
and  palaces  and  pageantry.  These  could  not  fail  to  elevate 
the  soul  and  give  a  higher  tone  to  the  feelings  and  sentiments. 
It  was  here,  amidst  this  bold  scenery  and  on  this  extended  scale 
of  things,  that  the  human  faculties  were  to  take  a  new  bias, 
and  human  character  was  to  be  formed  upon  a  new  and  im- 
proved model.  Here,  man  "was  destined  to  walk  abroad  in 
the  freedom  and  dignity  of  his  nature,  considering  all  men  as 
his  brethren,  «md  acknowledging  no  superior  but  the  Supreme 
of  the  universe. 

It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  operations  of  the  affections, 
or  trace  the  progress  of  the  mind,  as  we  would  mark  the  move- 
ment and  direction  of  bodies.  Its  revolutions  are  silent  and  gra- 
dual, and  its  course  unseen.  No  herald  proclaims  its  march  ; 
no  force  can  arrest  its  career.  It  was  this  secret  and  power- 
ful agent,  aided  by  the  causes  and  facilities,  already  assigned, 
that  paved  the  way  to  the  great  events  which  were  about  to 
break  upon  the  world.  Beyond  the  reach  of  the  trammels 
which  had  heretofore  bound  them,  men  began  to  think  for 
themselves.  They  found  they  had  power  to  will  and  to 
do.  The  means  of  communicating  knowledge  had  become 
easy  and  common,  which  wonderfully  accelerated  these  inqui- 
ries and  the  advances  of  intellect.  A  change  was  impercep- 
tibly wrought  in  their  religious  sentiments,  and  in  their  views 
of  social  rights  and  duties.  Christianity  unfolded  her  pure 
principles,  and  taught  men  their  relation  to  each  other,  and 
to  their  God— that  all  men  are  equal,  and  that  conscience  is 
amenable  to  no  human  tribunal.  The  developement  of  these 
truths,  which  had  been  concealed  for  centuries  by  the  digni- 
taries of  the  church,  powerfully  co-operated  to  hasten  the  o- 
verthrow  of  political  usurpation.  Ignorance  and  superstition 
were  yielding  their  empire  to  truth  and  light  and  free  inqui- 
ry. These  great  changes  were  silently  going  on  in  the  new 
world,  unobserved  by  the  dynasties  of  the  old.  Before  the 


ears  of  royalty  were  saluted  by  a  single  whisper  of  disaffec- 
tion, or  note  of  remonstrance,  the  revolution  was  deeply 
founded  in  the  hearts  and  minds  of  the  colonists.  They  were 
possessed  of  the  great  secret,  that  all  political  power  must  be 
derived  from  the  people — that,  this  is  the  only  source  of  legiti- 
mate government,  and  this  alone  is  obligatory.  The  princi- 
ple of  representation  was  understood  and  appreciated.  Its 
benefits  had  been  partially  realized,  in  consequence  of  the 
incautious  indulgence  of  the  parent  country.  But  the  jeal- 
ousy of  the  sovereign  was  soon  alarmed  at  our  -'^creasing 
greatness,  and  began  to  abridge  those  privileges  which  had 
been  sparingly  allowed.  Opposed  from  our  principles  and 
feelings  to  violence  and  blood-shed,  petition  was  resorted  to, 
but  in  vain.  We  even  bent  before  the  foot-stool  of  monarchy 
and  supplicated  for  the  enjoyment  of  those  rights  which  were 
already  ours,  and  of  which  no  power  on  earth  could  deprive  us. 
But  swollen  with  the  pride  of  imaginary  supremacy,  and  blind- 
ed by  the  flattery  and  obsequiousness  of  his  minions,  he  was 
•leaf  to  our  entreaties.-— He  sent  out  his  legions  to  subdue  us 
by  force.  It  was  vainly  supposed  that  the  roar  of  the  British 
Lion  would  hush  our  inquietudes,  and  that  we  would  cower  in 
unconditional  submission,  or  retire  to  our  forests  like  the  hart 
before  the  hunter  and  his  hounds.  This  impolitick  mea- 
sure of  the  ministry  is  a  proof  of  their  utter  ignorance  of 
the  great  moral  and  intellectual  reformation  which  had  taken 
place  in  the  new  world.  Their  armies  swarmed  upon  our 
shores,  versed  in  all  the  arts  of  human  butchery,  and  secure 
of  success  and  victory.  They  supposed  they  had  nothing  but 
mere  flesh  and  blood  to  contend  with.  They  little  thought 
they  were  to  be  opposed  by  the  mighty  energies  of  talents, 
intelligence,  and  public  spirit.  The  grand  consummation  was 
now  approaching. — The  unequal  conflict  between  power  and 
right  was  about  to  commence.  On  the  one  side,  were  mili- 
tary skill,  numbers  and  wealth,  the  main  spring  of  human  ex- 
ertion.— On  the  other,  justice  and  the  hopes  of  humanity.  It  is 


matter  of  surprise  and  rejoicing,  that  the  same  views,  and 
the  same  spirit  actuated  all  the  colonies  on  this  momentous 
occasion.  They  were  sprung  from  various  nations,  their  con- 
stitutions of  government  were  dissimilar,  their  habits  and  man- 
ners different,  and  their  intercourse  and  acquaintance  with 
each  other,  limited  and  imperfect.  Upon  this  diversity  of 
religions  and  customs  and  pursuits,  the  enemy  grounded  his 
expectations  of  an  easy  subjugation.  To  divide  and  conquer 
was  his  favorite  maxim.  It  might  have  seemed  to  the  timid 
and  superficial  mind,  an  attempt  at  impossibilities  to  harmo- 
nize these  diversities  and  unite  them  in  the  same  principles 
and  system  of  action.  But  the  same  causes  will  invariably 
produce  the  same  effects,  and  human  nature  is  every  where 
the  same,  when  the  circumstances  are  equal.  The  subject  of 
dispute  was  not  a  portion  of  territory,  nor  like  any  of  the  triv- 
ial causes  which  usually  provoke  nations  to  war.  It  was  a 
contest  between  arbitrary  power  on  the  one  hand,  and  ration- 
al liberty  on  the  other.  And,  the  issue  would  be  equally 
beneficial  or  injurious  to  all  the  colonies.  The  causes,  which 
have  been  mentioned,  had  operated  upon  all,  though  perhaps 
not  in  equal  degrees.  All  had  shared  more  or  less  the  in- 
fluence of  this  moral  revolution.  Here,  then,  was  their  com- 
munity of  interests — this  the  bond  of  their  sympathies.  The 
first  blow  that  was  struck,  touched  a  chord  which  vibrated  in 
very  heart,  and  aroused  the  slumbering  energies  of  a  brave 
and  devoted  people.  They  drew  the  sword  and  flung  away 
the  scabbard,  resting  their  hopes  on  their  God  and  their 
cause.  The  spirit  had  gone  forth,  and,  it  was  impossible  to 
recall  it. 

The  history  of  this  eventful  period  is  fresh  in  our  memory. 
We  need  not  dwell  upon  the  instances  of  undaunted  valor, 
patient  suffering  and  incorruptible  patriotism,  which  signali- 
zed our  fathers  in  the  revolutionary  war.  Let  it  suffice 
to  say,  that  they  have  never  been  surpassed  in  any  age  or 


nation.  It  would  be  invidious  to  particularize  among  such  a 
host  of  worthies.  The  object  was  achieved,  not  by  the  skill 
of  a  commander  nor  the  arm  of  individual  prowess  ;  but  by 
the  unconquerable  energies  of  a  moral  and  intellectual  peo- 
ple, determined  to  be  free.  We  might  challenge  the  straits  of 
Thermopylae  to  compare  with  the  heights  of  Charlestown. 
But,  we  come  not  here,  to  mingle  our  voices  with  the  din  of 
arms,  nor  the  shouts  of  victory. — The  day  we  celebrate,  is 
sacred  to  the  triumph  of  principle. 

The  effects  of  the  revolution  were  not  confined  to  the  Am- 
erican people  ;  they  have  been  powerfully  felt  throughout  ci- 
vilized society.  The  declaration,  which  proclaimed  these 
states,  free  and  independent,  was  more  terrible  to  kings,  than 
the  thunders  of  Sinai  to  a  guilty  world.  It  was  the  harbinger 
of  universal  emancipation.  The  spell  was  broken.  The 
voice  of  truth  was  beard  beyond  the  bounds  of  ocean.  The 
gleam  of  knowledge  shot  through  the  midnight  of  ages ;  and 
thrones  were  riven  to  their  centre.  The  French,  who  were 
ever  of  a  lively  and  ardent  temperament,  first  caught  the  in- 
fluence of  this  new  state  of  things.  They  heard  of  the  advent 
of  Liberty,  and  they  went  about  in  wild  uproar  and  intem- 
perate zeal  to  embrace  her.  Their  philosophers  deluged 
them  with  doctrines,  which  they  were  not  capable  of  com- 
prehending, and  they  were  dazzled,  confounded,  and  mad. 
Enough  had  not  previously  been  done  towards  clearing  away 
the  rubbish,  which  despotism  had  been  accumulating  for 
centuries.  It  is  in  vain  to  attempt  to  hurry  a  people  into 
the  enjoyment  of  their  rights  and  true  interests.  The  pro- 
gress of  truth  is  slow,  and  its  influences  to  be  good,  must  be 
gradual.  Men  must  be  enlightened  and  essentially  free,  be- 
fore they  are  equal  to  self-government.  Could  our  Wash- 
ington have  given  freedom  to  France,  or  would  Napol- 
ean  have  here  dared  to  assume  the  imperial  diadem?  The 
result  of  this  great  and  unsuccessful  attempt  at  political  re- 
formation is  a  sufficient  proof  that  the  real  causes  of  our  rev- 


9 

olution,  and  the  basis  of  our  Independence  were  not  known 
in  Europe.  The  recent  al.'ortive  efforts  at  constitutional  gov- 
ernment in  some  of  the  European  states  resulted  from  the 
same  cause — want  of  intelligence  and  purity  in  the  people. 
These  disasters  may  teach  mankind,  that  revolutions  to  be 
permanently  beneficial,  must  not  be  the  work  of  a  day,  nor 
the  fruits  of  a  fantastic  brain.  The  revolutionists  in  Europe 
have  begun  at  the  wrong  end.  A  people  should  reform  them- 
selves, before  they  attempt  to  reform  their  systems  of  govern- 
ment. Innovations  are  always  hazardous,  and  require  intel- 
ligence and  integrity  to  direct  and  maintain  them.  Individu- 
als may  kindle  the  flame  of  revolution  in  vain,  if  the  people 
have  not  already  been  enlightened.  It  will  only  bewilder 
and  mislead  them.  They  must  have  a  steady  and  determined 
purpose,  and  a  clear  perception  of  their  object.  They  must 
be  guided  by  the  unerring  principles  of  justice  and  human- 
ity, and  their  success  is  certain.  The  friends  of  freedom  and 
the  rights  of  man,  have  no  occasion  to  despair.  The  cause 
of  truth  must  eventually  triumph.  The  sun  is  but  just  aris- 
en ;  its  light  will  continue  to  travel  on  to  cheer  the  hearts  and 
illumine  the  minds  of  the  oppressed  of  all  nations.  The  pro- 
gress of  revolutionary  principles  cannot  be  stayed.  This  league 
of  tyrants,  more  commonly  called  the  '•  Holy  J2//ia»ee,"  might 
as  well  undertake  to  arrest  the  planets  in  their  career  through 
the  heavens.  It  is  nature  and  truth  who  speak',  and  their  dic- 
tates must  be  obeyed.  The  march  of  mind  will  proceed, 
maugre  the  millions  of  the  meek  and  pacific  Alexander.  But 
we  will  leave  the  old  world,  where  we  find  little  to  admire, 
and  much  to  disgust  and  to  wound  the  sensibilities  of  the  phi- 
lanthropist. 

This  is  the  only  nation  in  existence,  where  the  great  doc- 
trines of  political  equality  and  self-government  are  clearly 
understood  and  exemplified.  Our  government  is  grounded  up- 


10 

on  the  virtues  of  the  people,  and  consists  in  the  public  will. 
It  is  a  moral  edifice,  reared  upon  the  common  sense  of  man- 
kind. It  recognizes  no  artificial  distinctions,  nor  exclusive 
privileges,  but  guarantees  to  all,  the  full  exercise  and  enjoy- 
ment of  the  excellencies  and  advantages,  derived  from  nature 
and  cultivation.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed,  that  no  differences 
will  arise  in  the  course  of  human  exertions.  Diversity  of 
pursuits  will  produce  diversity  of  character.  But  this  should 
not  be  a  cause  of  uneasiness  and  jealousy  between  members 
of  the  same  community.  Here,  man  is  left  free  to  follow  the 
bent  of  his  natural  inclination,  and  the  occupation  of  his 
choice.  He  may  drop  in  his  line,  and  draw  forth  jewels  from 
the  deep ;  or,  he  may  turn  up  the  glebe  of  our  vallies,  and 
find  abundant  treasures  there.  He  may  embark  his  hopes 
upon  the  mountain  billow;  or,  he  may  listen  to  the  music  of 
the  nimble  shuttle  and  the  busy  loom.  These  confer  no 
political  distinction.  He  is  equally  a  member  of  the  same 
great  republican  family.  His  voice  may  speak  with  the  same 
eloquence  and  power  in  our  halls  of  legislation  ;  and  his  arm 
be  as  strong  in  defence  of  our  common  country  and  liberties. 
It  is  the  genius  of  our  institutions  to  let  every  thing  take  its 
natural  current,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  keep  every  thing  to 
a  tolerable  level.  Our  system  abhors  every  species  of  mon- 
opoly, and  individual  and  family  aggrandizement.  The 
wealth,  that  is  piled  up  to-day,by  some  successful  speculation 
or  daring  enterprise,  may  be  seen  to-morrow,  spreading  in  a 
thousand  channels,  carrying  comfort  and  gladness  to  industry 
and  want.  The  great  machinery  of  things  is  in  silent  and  per- 
petual operation,  restoring  name  and  fortune  to  their  proper 
equilibrium. 

It  has  been  objected,  that  our  system  discourages  distinc- 
tion in  every  department  of  science  and  of  art.  To  this  it 
may  be  replied,  that  it  is  impossible  for  an  individual  to  shine 
exceedingly  pre-eminent  in  a  firmament,  tlwt  blazes  with  a 
myriad  of  luminaries.  True  it  is,  our  institutions  will  not  per- 


11 

mit  particular  elevations  at  the  expense  of  the  community. — 
We  want  no  factitious  pre-eminence.  Our  object  is  the  gen- 
eral sum  of  human  happiness.  We  want  no  meteor  to  dazzle 
and  terrify  with  the  intensity  of  his  glare.  We  desire  no  mum- 
mery of  greatness  to  attract  the  gaze  of  the  million.  Political 
equality  is  the  hoast  and  birthright  of  freemen.  It  is  ours  to 
enjoy  the  high  blessings  that  flow  from  it,  and  transmit  them 
to  our  posterity. 

The  salvation  of  this  people  depends  upon  the  indissoluble 
union  of  the  states.  Here  is  our  strength — here,  the  perma- 
nency of  our  liberties.  The  fact  of  so  many  independent  sov- 
ereignties, united  in  the  same  principles,  and  their  interests 
revolving  round  a  common  centre,  is  a  singular  anomaly  in 
the  science  and  history  of  governments.  No  examples  can  be 
found  upon  ancient  record,  nor  in  modern  existence.  The  ad- 
vantages of  this  connection  to  the  whole  American  people  and 
to  humanity,  are  too  many  and  palpable  to  require  demonstra- 
tion. It  is  a  perpetual  barrier  against  intestine  commotions 
— a  paramount  bulwark  against  foreign  encroachment  and 
subjugation.  This  truth  should  be  regarded  as  an  axiom  in 
all  our  political  speculations  and  practice.  The  extent  of 
our  territory  is  no  objection  to  the  continuance  of  the  Union. 
It  can  never,  like  the  Roman  empire,  crumble  beneath  its  own 
weight;  so  long  as  the  people  continue  in  their  present  mor- 
al and  intellectual  condition.  The  people  are  above  the  mis- 
erable influences,  which  too  often  affect  their  public  servants. 
Personal  dislikes  may  distract  our  national  councils — individ- 
ual jealousies  may  paralize  the  national  arm:  but  the  sove- 
reign people  possess  a  rectifying  power,  and  will  restore  them 
to  their  original  tone  and  vigour.  The  Union  may  tremble 
under  the  herculean  grasp  of  party  violence,  but  so  long  as 
the  broad  basis  of  public  virtue  remains,  it  will  receive  addi- 
tional strength  from  every  shock.  To  destroy  the  Union,  it 
must  be  removed  from  the  influence  of  the  people  While 
Antaeus  could  touch  his  mother  earth,  he  received  new 


13 

strength  and  was  unconquerable.  It  cannot  be  doubted  nor' 
denied,  that  there  has  been  and  still  is,  an  extensive  combina- 
tion among  us  to  destroy  the  union  of  the  republic  and  subvert 
its  liberties.  This  arises  partly  from  anti-republican  principle, 
but  mostly  from  an  uneasy  and  unprincipled  hankering  for 
power.  However  strange  it  may  seem,  that  a  system  so  beau- 
tiful and  universally  beneficial  as  our?,  should  have  enemies, 
and  those  too,  who  share  its  benefits;  it  is,  nevertheless, true. 
There  is  no  human  perfection.  The  same  Liberty,  who 
spreads  out  profusion  to  her  honest  worshippers,  permits  a 
serpent  to  lurk  within  her  shrine. 

In  the  late  struggle  which  confirmed  our  Independence  and 
the  stability  of  our  institutions,  it  was  easy  to  distinguish 
the  true  from  the  pretended  patriot.  When  our  territory 
was  ravaged,and  our  cities  wrapt  in  flames,  kindled  by  vandal 
hands  ;  when  the  friends  of  our  country  were  baring  their 
bosoms  to  the  storm  and  the  battle — what  then  was  the  con- 
duct of  those,  who  arrogated  to  themselves  the  talents  and 
the  religion  of  the  community  1 — How  were  they  employed  1 
In  embarrassing  the  finances,  discouraging  enlistments,  and 
in  convening  on  the  banks  of  the  Connecticut,  for  secret  con- 
sultation, like  Catiline  and  his  associates.  It  were  well  for 
our  honor,  that  this  foul  stain  were  wiped  from  our  national 
escutcheon  ;  but  it  will  be  better  for  our  future  safety,  that 
it  remain  for  the  instruction  and  warning  of  posterity.  Teach 
your  children  to  shun  the  fate  of  those  unhappy  adventur- 
ers. And,  we  are  constrained  too,  to  remember  certain  ser- 
vants of  the  sanctuary.  See  them  in  solemn  mockery,  at  the 
altar  of  the  Most  High,  grasping  in  one  hand  the  book  of  life, 
and  waving  with  the  other,  the  unhallowed  torch  of  discord 
and  death. — Withholding  from  the  lambs  of  their  flocks,  the 
pure  principles  of  the 'gospel  of  peace,  they  poured  into 
their  hearts  the  subtle  poison  of  disaffection  and  civil  war. 
Is  there  no  one  among  us,  who  has  seen  with  complacency, 
the  steel  of  the  enemy,  stained  with  the  blood  of  his  broth- 


er  ? — Is  there  no  one  here  who  viewed  with  satisfaction,  the 
smoke  of  the  Capitol,  curling  to  heaven  ? — If  none — "  then 
none  have  I  offended/' 

In  no  instance  since  the  establishment  of  our  government, 
has  the  Union  sustained  so  tremendous  an  attack,  as  in  the 
discussion  of  the  Missouri  question.  The  same  spirit  that 
unfurled  the  standard  of  disunion  and  revolt  in  the  last  war, 
now  seized  the  parricidal  dagger,  and  under  the  imposing 
robes  of  humanity,  aimed  a  deadly  blow  at  the  vitals  of  the 
Union.  Our  feelings  and  principles,  as  freemen  and  christ- 
ians,  were  appealed  to,  and  thousands  of  honest  hearts  were 
deluded  by  this  insidious  cant  and  hypocricy.  The  pride  of 
New-England's  morality  was  called  upon  by  the  champions 
of  African  rights. — And,  who  among  us,  would  wish  to  be 
thought  the  enemy  of  man  ?— Who,  of  proud  honor  and  .high 
sensibilities,  could  bear  the  imputation  of  encouraging  slav- 
ery ?  By  these  means  a  respectable  portion  of  the  American 
people  was  duped,  and  we  were  led  almost  to  confusion  and 
ruin.  Is  this  humanity  ?  is  it  patriotism  ?  is  it  religion  ? 

The  master  spirits  of  this  farce  will  receive  their  reward, 
by  the  inevitable  re-action  of  public  sentiment.  The  Union 
is  safe.  Though  its  pillars  were  shaken,  they  are  grounded 
deeper  and  firmer  in  the  affections  of  the  people.  It  should 
be  the  prayer  of  every  member  of  this  Union,  that  all  sec- 
tional jealousies  may  cease.  Why  indulge  this  illiberality 
and  rancour  towards  the  South  and  West  ?  They  are  our 
brethren,  and  we  should  be  proud  of  the  affinity.  Our  inter- 
ests are  the  same — our  rights  a  unity. 

It  is  pleasing  to  contemplate  the  sublime  destinies  that 
await  this  nation.  Future  generations  will  see  one  vast  and 
powerful  Republic,  extending  from  the  banks  of  Newfound- 
land to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  from  "the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  covered  with  schools  of  good  learning  and  temples  of 


14 

piety,  and  an  enlightened  people,  cultivating  all  the  arts  of 
peace,  and  practicing  justice  to  all  men  and  all  nations,  and 
terrible  to  the  enemies  of  freedom. 

Our  Revolutionary  FATHERS  ! — Where  are  THEY  ?  They 
have  mingled  their  ashes  with  the  soil  they  defended.  They 
have  gone  to  the  "  home  of  the  just  made  perfect."  Yet, 
some  few  are  among  us,  silvered  with  the  frost  of  years,  and 
hending  to  their  long  repose.  Let  not  the  twilight  of  their 
days,  be  beclouded  by  the  infidelity  of  their  sons.  They 
may  sleep  in  peace.  We  will  hallow  their  memory.  The 
treasures  they  have  given  to  us,  we  will  give  to  our  children. 
The  American  family  and  the  American  character  shall  go 
to  an  interminable  futurity,  gathering  in  strength  and  bright- 
ening in  glory,  till  the  voice  of  the  Almighty,  shall  proclaim 
to  the  nations,  that  human  governments  are  at  an  end. 


15 


Mr.  NATHAMEL  HALL  LORING  introduced  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  which  he  was  appointed  to  read,  by  the 
following  remarks  : — 

BEING  appointed  to  read  to  you  the  Immortal  Document  which  has 
made  this  day  a  Jubilee,  I  shall  hazard  a  few  remarks  which  perhaps, 
may  not  be  deemed  impertinent. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1776,  this  celebrated  paper  was  signed  by  the 
General  Congress,  and  our  Country  took  its  place  among  the  Nations, 
It  was  the  sublimest  spectacle  that  the  world  had  ever  beheld.  The 
splendour  of  monarchies,  the  tinsel  greatness  of  monarchs,  and  the  pro- 
fane mummeries  of  the  Popedom,  were  all  overshadowed  by  the  moral 
and  intellectual  grandeur  by  which  that  day  was  consecrated. 

Connected  with  our  reverence  for  the  day,  is  our  gratitude  to  the 
great  Republican,  THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  He  has  imparted  to  this 
document,  not  a  little  of  his  own  character.  It  is  clear,  plain,  and  des- 
titute of  any  ornament  but  its  own  vigorous  thought,  and  noble  propor- 
tions ;  there  is  no  redundancy  of  epithet — no  pruriency  of  style — no 
affected  majesty  of  diction  :  It  appears  throughout  like  the  first  aspira- 
tions of  a  great  Nation  raising  itself  from  the  slumber  of  slavery,  and 
hurling  back  the  Javelin  of  the  Tyrant.  It  is  a  naked  appeal  to  the 
common  sense  of  mankind  ;  a  proud  pyramid  of  political  truth,  deeper 
rooted  than  the  mountains.  It  sets  forth  injury  after  injury — it  details 
crime  after  crime,  and  presents  an  eloquent  description  of  dignified  and 
patient  suffering,  a  hateful  example  of  mean,  and  cowardly,  and  sense- 
less oppression.  It  is  indeed  a  lesson  to  Nations — a  flaming  beacon  to 
enslaved  man. 

Similar  in  many  respects  is  the  character  of  its  Author.  The  same 
majestic  simplicity,  the  same  strength  and  compactness,  distinguish  his 
mind.  His  character,  like  this  Instrument,  was  formed  while  convul- 
sions were  rending  the  moral  surface  of  society,  and  Devastation  was  at 
its  harvest-home  :  Like  this  instrument,  it  survived  the  storms  which 
threatened  destruction,  and  has  become,  not  the  properly  of  this,  or  the 
last  age,  but  of  posterity.  He  has  toiled  for  his  Country  from  childhood 
to  old  age,  and  it  was  his  singular  lot  while  aiding  in  the  work  of  her 
Independence,  to  illustrate  her  Literature  and  Philosophy.  He  is  a 
philosopher,  and  has  been  placed  by  the  old  world  with  the  Moutes- 


16 


quieus  and  tb«  Bacons.  He  is  a  statesman,  and  is  ranked  by  the  new 
world  even  with  its  Washington  and  its  Franklin :  He  is  a  patriot,  and 
mankind  assign  him  a  station  with  a  Russell,  a  Cato,  and  a  Sydney. 
But  he  is  more  than  a  Philosopher,  a  Statesman,  or  a  Patriot :  He  is  an. 
illustrious  and  almost  solitary  example  of  a  pure  and  verdant  mind,  re- 
taining all  its  excellencies  through  every  variety  of  fortune  ;  whether 
in  obscurity,  or  on  a  seat  far  above  the  highest.  The  high  offices  which 
he  has  filled,  the  unexcelled  services  which  he  has  rendered,  are  not 
his  only  titles  to  fame.  The  moral  sublimity  of  his  character  does  more 
for  him,  than  conquests,  or  public  works,  or  great  discoveries,  for  other 
men  :  He  has  been  prosperous,  without  pride  ; — he  has  mixed  with  the 
world,  without  acquiring  its  vices — he  has  dwelt  with  the  great  with- 
out imbibing  their  vanities  :  Seldom,  perhaps  never,  have  we  seen  a 
man  so  simple  and  yet  so  great — so  much  milder,  apd  yet  so  far  supe- 
rior to  all  other  men — so  virtuous  and  yet  so  singularly  eminent.  It  is 
for  these  reasons  that  the  majesty  of  his  departing  mind  is  even  supe- 
rior to  its  splendour  when  it  rode  with  meridian  glory  in  our  hemisphere ; 
Other  great  men  have  risen  with  brilliancy,  but  few  have  gathered  fame 
with  every  step  to  the  tomb. 

We  have  seen  him  when  young,  placing  himself  front  of  the  front 
rank  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  and 'fixing  the  seal  to  our  Independence. 
We  have  seen  him  seated  in  the  chair  of  government,  by  the  influence 
of  those  pure  principles  to  which  he  had  assisted  in  giving  currency, 
and  infusing  new  life  and  vigour,  into  the  infantile  frame  which  has 
since  grown  up  to  gigantic  manhood.  We  have  seen  him  in  every  stage 
of  life, -looking  calmly  upon  his  enemies,  from  a  height  to  which  their 
calumnies  could  never  ascend. 

"  Like  some  proud  cliff  that  rears  its  awful  form, 
Swells  in  the  vale,  and  midway  leaves  the  storm  ; 
Though  round  its  breast  the  rolling  clouds  are  spread, 
Eternal  sunshine  settles  on  its  head." 


*\ 

v- 


FRIENDS  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS, 
WE  are  assembled,  beneath  the  weeping  canopy 
of  the  Heavens,  in  the  exercise  of  feelings  in  which 
the  whole  family  of  Americans  unites  with  us.  We 
meet  to  pay  a  tribute  of  respect  to  the  revered 
memory  of  those,  to  whom  the  whole  country 
looks  up  as  to  its  benefactors  ;  to  whom  it  ascribes 
the  merit  of  unnumbered  public  services,  and  espe- 
cially of  the  inestimable  service  of  having  led  in 
the  councils  of  the  revolution.  It  is  natural  that 
these  feelings,  which  pervade  the  whole  American 
people,  should  rise  into  peculiar  strength  and 
earnestness  in  your  hearts.  In  meditating  upon 
these  great  men,  your  minds  are  unavoidably 
carried  back  to  those  scenes  of  suffering  and  of 
sacrifice  into  which,  at  the  opening  of  their  arduous 
and  honored  career,  this  town  and  its  citizens  were 
so  deeply  plunged.  You  cannot  but  remember, 


6 

that  your  fathers  offered  ^heir  bosoms  to  the  sword 
and  their  dwellings  to  the  devouring  flames,  from 
the  same  noble  spirit  which  animated  the  venerable 
patriarchs  whom  we  now  deplore.  The  cause  they 
espoused  was  the  same  which  strewed  your  streets 
with  ashes,  and  drenched  your  hill-tops  with  blood. 
And  while  Providence,  in  the  astonishing  circum- 
stances of  their  departure,  seems  to  have  appointed 
that  the  revolutionary  age  of  America  should  be 
closed  up,  by  a  scene  as  illustriously  affecting,  as 
its  commencement  was  appalling  and  terrific  ;  you 
have  justly  felt  it  your  duty,  it  has  been  the  prompt 
dictate  of  your  feelings,  to  pay,  within  these  hallow- 
ed precincts,  a  well  deserved  tribute  to  the  great 
and  good  men  to  whose  counsels,  under  God,  it  is 
in  no  small  degree  owing,  that  your  dwellings  have 
risen  from  their  ashes,  and  that  the  sacred  dust  of 
those  who  fell  reposes  in  the  bosom  of  a  free  and 
happy  land. 

It  was  the  custom  of  the  primitive  Romans,  to 
preserve  in  the  halls  of  their  houses  the  images  of 
all  the  illustrious  men  whom  their  families  had 
produced.  These  images  are  supposed  to  have 
consisted  of  a  mask  exactly  representing  the  coun- 
tenance of  each  deceased  individual,  accompanied 
with  habiliments  of  like  fashion  with  those  worn 
in  his  time,  and  with  the  armor,  badges  and  in- 
signia of  his  offices  and  exploits  ;  all  so  disposed 


around  the  sides  of  the  hall  as  to  present  in  the 
attitude  of  living  men  the  long  succession  of  the  de- 
parted ;  and  thus  to  set  before  the  Roman  citizen, 
whenever  he  entered  or  left  his  habitation,  the  ve- 
nerable array  of  his  ancestors  revived  in  this  im- 
posing similitude.  Whenever,  by  a  death  in  the 
family,  another  distinguished  member  of  it  was 
gathered  to  his  fathers,  a  strange  and  awful  pro- 
cession was  formed.  The  ancestral  masks,  includ- 
ing that  of  the  newly  deceased,  were  fitted  upon  the 
servants  of  the  family,  selected  in  the  size  and  ap- 
pearance of  those  whom  they  were  to  represent, 
and  drawn  up  in  solemn  array  to  follow  the  funeral 
train  of  the  living  mourners,  first  to  the  market- 
place, where  the  public  eulogium  was  pronounced, 
and  then  to  the  tomb.  As  he  thus  moved  along  with 
all  the  dark  fathers  of  his  name,  resuscitated  in  the 
lineaments  of  life,  and  quickening,  as  it  were,  from 
their  urns,  to  enkindle  his  emulation,  the  virtuous 
Roman  renewed  his  vows  of  pious  respect  to  their 
memory  and  his  resolution  to  imitate  the  fortitude, 
the  frugality,  and  the  patriotism  of  the  great  heads 
of  his  family.* 

Fellow-citizens,  the  great  heads  of  the  Ameri- 
can family  are  fast  passing  away ;  of  the  last,  of 
the  most  honored,  two  are  now  no  more.  We  are 
assembled  not  to  gaze  with  awe  on  the  artificial 

*  Polvb.  Historiar.  lib.  TI. 


8 

und  theatric  images  of  their  features,  but  to  con- 
template their  venerated  characters,  to  call  to  mind 
their  invaluable  services,  to  cherish  their  revered 
memory ;  to  lay  up  the  image  of  their  virtues  in 
our  hearts.  The  two  men,  who  stood  in  a  relation, 
in  which  no  others  now  stand  to  this  whole  conti- 
nent, have  fallen.  The  men  whom  Providence 
marked  out  among  the  first  of  the  favored  instru- 
ments, to  lead  this  chosen  people  into  the  holy  land 
of  liberty,  have  discharged  their  high  office  and  are 
no  more.  The  men,  whose  ardent  minds  prompt- 
ed them  to  take  up  their  country's  cause,  when 
there  was  nothing  else  to  prompt  and  everything  to 
deter  them ;  the  men  who  afterwards,  when  the 
ranks  were  filled  with  the  brave  and  resolute,  were 
yet  in  the  front  of  those  brave  and  resolute  ranks  ; 
the  men,  who,  when  the  wisest  and  most  sagacious 
were  needed  to  steer  the  newly  launched  vessel 
through  the  broken  waves  of  the  unknown  sea,  sat 
calm  and  unshaken  at  the  helm  ;  the  men  who  in 
their  country's  happier  days  were  found  most  wor- 
thy to  preside  over  the  great  interests  of  the  land 
they  had  so  powerfully  contributed  to  rear  into 
greatness,  these  men  are  now  no  more. 

They  have  left  us  not  singly  and  in  the  sad 
but  accustomed  succession,  in  which  the  order  of 
nature  calls  away  the  children  of  men  ;  but  having 
lived,  and  acted,  and  counselled,  and  dared,  and 


9 

risked  all,  and  triumphed,  and  enjoyed  together, 
they  have  gone  together  to  their  great  reward.  In 
the  morning  of  life — without  previous  concert  but 
with  a  kindred  spirit — they  plunged  together  into 
a  conflict,  which  put  to  hazard  all  which  makes  life 
precious.  When  the  storm  of  war  and  revolution 
raged,  they  stood  side  by  side,  on  such  perilous 
ground,  that,  had  the  American  cause  failed, 
though  all  else  had  been  forgiven,  they  were  of  the 
few  whom  an  incensed  empire's  vengeance  would 
have  pursued  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  When  they 
had  served  through  their  long  career  of  duty,  for- 
getting the  little  that  had  divided  them,  and  cher- 
ishing the  great  communion  of  service,  and  peril, 
and  success  which  had  united  them,  they  walked, 
with  honorable  friendship,  the  declining  pathway 
of  age  ;  and  now  they  have  sunk  down  together,  in 
peace,  into  the  bosom  of  a  redeemed  and  grateful 
country.  Time,  and  their  country's  service,  and 
kindred  hearts,  a  like  fortune  and  a  like  reward 
united  them ;  and  the  last  great  scene  confirmed 
the  union.  They  were  useful,  honored,  prosperous, 
and  lovely  in  their  lives,  and  in  their  deaths,  they 
were  not  divided. 

Happiest  at  the  last,  they  were  permitted  almost 
to  choose  the  hour  of  their  departure ;  to  die  on 
that  day,  on  which  those  who  loved  them  best  could 
have  wished  they  might  die.  It  is  related  as  a  sin- 


10 

gular  felicity  of  the  great  philosopher  Plato,  that  he 
died,  at  a  good  old  age,  at  a  banquet,  surrounded 
with  flowers  and  perfumes,  amidst  festal  songs,  on 
his  birth-day.  Our  Adams  and  Jefferson  died  on 
the  birth-day  of  the  nation ;  the  day  which  their 
own  deed  had  immortalized,  which  their  own  pro- 
phetic spirit  had  marked  out,  as  the  great  festival 
of  the  nation  ;  not  amidst  the  festal  songs  of  the 
banquet,  but  amidst  the  triumphal  anthems  of  a 
whole  grateful  people.  At  the  moment  that  Jeffer- 
son expired,  his  character  was  the  theme  of  eulogy, 
in  every  city  and  almost  every  village  of  the  land  ; 
and  the  lingering  spirit  of  his  great  co-patriot  fled, 
while  his  name  was  pronounced  with  grateful  re- 
collection, at  the  board  of  patriotic  festivity,  through- 
out a  country,  that  hailed  him  as  among  the  first 
and  boldest  of  her  champions,  even  in  the  days 
when  friends  were  few  and  hearts  were  faint. 

Our  jubilee,  like  that  of  old,  is  turned  into  sor- 
row. Among  the  crumbling  ruins  of  Rome,  there  is 
a  shattered  arch,  reared  by  the  emperor  Vespasian, 
when  his  son  Titus  returned  from  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem.  On  its  broken  pannels  and  falling 
frieze  are  still  to  be  seen,  represented  as  borne 
aloft  in  the  triumphal  procession  of  Titus,  the  well 
known  spoils  of  the  second  temple,  the  sacred  ves- 
sels of  the  holy  place,  the  candlestick  with  seven 
branches,  and,  in  front  of  all,  the  silver  trumpets  of 


11 

the  jubilee,  in  the  hands  of  captive  priests,  pro- 
claiming not  now  the  liberty,  but  the  humiliation 
and  the  sorrows  of  Judah.  From  this  mournful 
spectacle,  the  pious  and  heart-stricken  Hebrew, 
even  to  the  present  day,  turns  aside  in  sorrow :  he 
will  not  enter  Rome,  through  the  gate  of  the  arch 
of  Titus,  but  winds  his  way  through  the  byepaths 
of  the  Palatine,  and  over  the  broken  columns  of  the 
palace  of  the  Caesars,  that  he  may  not  behold  the 
sad  image  of  the  trumpets  of  the  jubilee,  borne 
aloft  in  the  captive  train. 

The  jubilee  of  America  is  turned  into  mourning. 
Its  joy  is  mingled  with  sadness ;  its  silver  trumpet 
must  breathe  a  mingled  strain.  Henceforward  and 
forever,  while  America  exists  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  the  first  emotion  on  the  fourth  of  July 
shall  be  of  joy  and  triumph,  in  the  great  event 
which  immortalizes  the  day,  the  second  shall  be 
one  of  chastised  and  tender  recollection  of  the  ve- 
nerable men,  who  departed  on  the  morning  of  the 
jubilee.  This  mingled  emotion  of  triumph  and  sad- 
ness has  sealed  the  moral  beauty  and  sublimity  of 
our  great  anniversary.  In  the  simple  commemo- 
ration of  a  victorious  political  achievement,  there 
seems  not  enough  to  occupy  all  our  purest  and 
best  feelings.  The  fourth  of  July  was  before  a 
day  of  unshaded  triumph,  exultation,  and  national 
pride  ;  but  the  angel  of  death  has  mingled  in  the 


12 

all  glorious  pageant,  to  teach  us  we  are  men.  Had 
our  venerated  fathers  left  us  on  any  other  day,  the 
day  of  the  united  departure  of  two  such  men  would 
henceforward  have  been  remembered  but  as  a  day 
of  mourning.  But  now  while  their  decease  has 
gently  chastened  the  exultations  of  the  triumphant 
festival ;  the  glad  banner  of  our  independence  will 
wave  cheerfully  over  the  spot  where  their  dust  re- 
poses. The  whole  nation  feels,  as  with  one  heart, 
that  since  it  must  sooner  or  later  have  been  be- 
reaved of  its  revered  fathers,  it  could  not  have 
wished  that  any  other  had  been  the  day  of  their 
decease.  Our  anniversary  festival  was  before  tri- 
umphant, it  is  now  triumphant  and  sacred.  It  be- 
fore called  out  the  young  and  ardent,  to  join  in  the 
public  rejoicings ;  it  now  also  speaks,  in  a  touch- 
ing voice,  to  the  retired,  to  the  greyheaded,  to  the 
mild  and  peaceful  spirits,  to  the  whole  family  of 
sober  freemen.  With  some  appeal  of  joy,  of  ad- 
miration, of  tenderness  it  henceforth  addresses 
every  American  heart.  It  is  henceforward,  what 
the  dying  Adams  pronounced  it,  a  great  and  a 
good  day.  It  is  full  of  greatness  and  full  of  good- 
ness. It  is  absolute  and  complete.  The  death  of 
the  men,  who  declared  our  independence, — their 
death  on  the  day  of  the  jubilee,  was  all  that  was 
wanting  to  the  fourth  of  July.  To  die  on  that  day, 
and  to  die  together,  was  all  that  was  wanting  to 
Jefferson  and  Adams. 


IS 

Think  not,  fellow-citizens,  that,  in  the  mere 
formal  discharge  of  my  duty  this  day,  I  would  over- 
rate the  melancholy  interest  of  the  great  occasion. 
Heaven  knows,  I  do  any  thing  but  intentionally 
overrate  it.  I  labor  only  for  words,  to  do  justice 
to  your  feelings  and  to  mine.  I  can  say  nothing, 
which  does  not  sound  as  cold,  as  tame,  and  as  in- 
adequate to  myself  as  to  you.  The  theme  is  too 
great  and  too  surprising,  the  men  are  too  great  and 
good  to  be  spoken  of,  in  this  cursory  manner. 
There  is  too  much  in  the  contemplation  of  their 
united  characters,  their  services,  the  day  and  coin- 
cidence of  their  death,  to  be  properly  described,  to 
be  fully  felt  at  once.  I  dare  not  come  here  and 
dismiss,  in  a  few  summary  paragraphs,  the  charac- 
ters of  men,  who  have  filled  such  a  space  in  the 
history  of  their  age.  It  would  be  a  disrespectful 
familiarity  with  men  of  their  lofty  spirits,  their  rich 
endowments,  their  deep  counsels,  and  wise  mea- 
sures, their  long  and  honorable  lives,  to  endeavor 
thus  to  weigh  and  estimate  them.  I  leave  that  ar- 
duous task,  to  the  genius  of  kindred  elevation,  by 
whom  to-morrow  it  will  be  discharged.  I  feel  the 
mournful  contrast  in  the  fortunes  of  the  first  and 
best  of  men,  that  after  a  life  in  the  highest  walks 
of  usefulness  ;  after  conferring  benefits,  not  merely 
on  a  neighborhood,  a  city,  or  even  a  state,  but  on 
a  continent,  a  posterity  of  kindred  men  ;  after  hav- 
ing stood  in  the  first  estimation  for  talents,  ser- 


14 

vices,  and  influence,  among  millions  of  fellow-citi- 
zens, a  day  should  come,  which  closes  all  up ;  pro- 
nounces a  brief  blessing  on  the  memory  of  the  de- 
parted ;  gives  an  hour  to  the  actions  of  a  crowded 
life  ;  describes  in  a  sentence  what  it  took  years  to 
bring  to  pass,  and  what  is  destined  for  years  and 
ages  to  continue  and  operate  on  posterity  ;  forces 
into  a  few  words  the  riches  of  busy  days  of  action 
and  weary  nights  of  meditation  ;  passes  forgetfully 
over  many  traits  of  character,  many  counsels,  and 
measures  which  it  cost  perhaps  years  of  discipline 
and  effort  to  mature ;  utters  a  funeral  prayer ; 
chaunts  a  mournful  anthem ;  and  then  dismisses  all 
into  the  dark  chambers  of  death  and  forgetfulness. 

But  no,  fellow-citizens,  we  dismiss  them  not  to 
the  chambers  of  forgetfulness  and  death.  What 
we  admired,  and  prized,  and  venerated  in  them, 
can  never  die,  nor  dying  be  forgotten.  I  had 
almost  said  that  they  are  now  beginning  to  live  ; 
to  live  that  life  of  unimpaired  influence,  of  uncloud- 
ed fame,  of  unmingled  happiness,  for  which  their 
talents  and  services  were  destined.  They  were  of 
the  select  few,  the  least  portion  of  whose  life  dwells 
in  their  physical  existence ;  whose  hearts  have 
watched,  while  their  senses  have  slept ;  whose  souls 
have  grown  up  into  a  higher  being ;  whose  plea- 
sure is  to  be  useful ;  whose  wealth  is  an  unble- 
mished reputation ;  who  respire  the  breath  of 


15 

honorable  fame ;  who  have  deliberately  and  con- 
sciously put  what  is  called  life  to  hazard,  that 
they  may  live  in  the  hearts  of  those  who  come  after. 
Such  men  do  not,  cannot  die.  To  be  cold,  and  mo- 
tionless and  breathless  ;  to  feel  not  and  speak  not ; 
this  is  not  the  end  of  existence  to  the  men  who 
have  breathed  their  spirits  into  the  institutions  of 
their  country,  who  have  stamped  their  characters 
on  the  pillars  of  the  age,  who  have  poured  their 
heart's  blood  into  the  channels  of  the  public  pros- 
perity. Tell  me,  ye,  who  tread  the  sods  of  yon 
sacred  height,  is  Warren  dead  ?  Can  you  not  see 
him,  not  pale  and  prostrate,  the  blood  of  his  gallant 
heart  pouring  out  of  his  ghastly  wound,  but  moving 
resplendent  over  the  field  of  his  honor,  with  the 
rose  of  Heaven  upon  his  cheek,  and  the  fire  of  lib- 
erty in  his  eye  ?  Tell  me,  ye,  who  make  your 
pious  pilgrimage  to  the  shades  of  Vernon,  is  Wash- 
ington indeed  shut  up  in  that  cold  and  narrow 
house  ?  That  which  made  these  men,  and  men 
like  these,  cannot  die.  The  hand  that  traced  the 
charter  of  independence  is  indeed  motionless,  the 
eloquent  lips  that  sustained  it,  are  hushed  ;  but  the 
lofty  spirits  that  conceived,  resolved,  matured, 
maintained  it,  and  which  alone  to  such  men,  '  make 
it  life  to  live,'  these  cannot  expire  ; — 

These  shall  resist  the  empire  of  decay, 
When  time  is  o'er,  and  worlds  have  passed  away  ; 
Cold  in  the  dust,  the  perished  heart  may  lie, 
But  that,  which  warmed  it  once,  can  never  die. 


16 

This  is  their  life  and  this  their  eulogy.  In  these 
our  feeble  services  of  commemoration,  we  set  forth 
not  their  worth  but  our  own  gratitude.  The  eulo- 
gy of  those,  who  declared  our  independence,  is 
written  in  the  whole  history  of  independent  Ame- 
rica. I  do  not  mean  that  they  alone  wrought  out 
our  liberties  ;  nor  should  we  bring  a  grateful  offer- 
ing to  their  tombs,  in  sacrificing  at  them  the  merits 
of  their  contemporaries.  But  no  one  surely,  who 
considers  the  history  of  the  times,  the  state  of  opi- 
nions, the  power  of  England,  the  weakness  of  the 
colonies,  and  the  obstacles  that  actually  stood  in 
the  way  of  success,  can  doubt  that,  if  John  Adams 
and  Thomas  Jefferson  had  thrown  their  talents  and 
influence  into  the  scale  of  submission,  the  effect 
would  have  been  felt  to  the  cost  of  America  for 
ages.  No,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say,  that  ages  on 
ages  may  pass,  and  the  growing  millions  of  Ame- 
rica may  overflow  the  uttermost  regions  of  this 
continent,  but  never  can  there  be  an  American  cit- 
izen, who  will  not  bear  in  his  condition,  in  his  pur- 
suits, in  his  welfare,  some  trace  of  what  was  coun- 
selled, and  said,  and  done  by  these  great  men. 
This  is  their  undying  praise ;  a  praise,  which 
knows  no  limits  but  those  of  America,  and  which 
is  uttered,  not  merely  in  these  our  eulogies,  but  in 
the  thousand  inarticulate  voices  of  art  and  nature. 
It  sounds  from  the  woodman's  axe  in  the  distant 
forests  of  the  west :  for  what  was  it  that  unbarred 


17 

the  portals  of  the  mountains  ?  The  busy  water- 
wheel  echos  back  the  strain  ;  for  what  was  it  that 
released  the  industry  of  the  country  from  the  fet- 
ters of  colonial  restriction  ?  Their  praise  is  borne 
on  the  swelling  canvass  of  America  to  distant 
oceans,  where  the  rumor  of  acts  of  trade  never 
came  ;  for  what  was  it  that  sent  our  canvass  there  ? 
and  it  glistens  at  home,  in  the  eyes  of  the  happy 
population  of  a  prosperous  and  grateful  country. 
Yes,  the  people,  the  people  rise  up  and  call  them 
blessed.  They  invoke  eternal  blessings  on  the 
men,  who  could  be  good  as  well  as  great,  whose 
ambition  was  their  country's  welfare,  who  did  not 
ask  to  be  rewarded  by  oppressing  themselves  the 
country  they  redeemed  from  oppression. 

The  day  we  have  separated  to  the  remembrance 
of  our  departed  fathers  is  indeed  but  a  fleeting 
moment ;  its  swift  watches  will  soon  run  out,  and 
the  pausing  business  of  life  start  again  into  motion. 
But  every  day  of  our  country's  succeeding  dura- 
tion, every  age  as  it  comes  forward  with  its  crowd- 
ed generations,  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  our  institu- 
tions, will  take  up  the  surprising  theme.  Though 
its  affecting  novelty  will  pass  away  for  us,  it  will 
strike  the  hearts  of  our  children  ;  and  the  latest 
posterity,  looking  back  on  the  period  of  the  Revo- 
lution as  the  heroic  age  of  America,  will  contem- 
c 


18 

plate  with   mingled  wonder   and  tenderness   this 
great  and  closing  scene. 

I  shall  not,  fellow-citizens,  on  this  occasion, 
attempt  a  detailed  narrative  of  the  lives  of  these 
distinguished  men.  To  relate  their  history  at 
length,  would  be-  to  record  the  history  of  the  coun- 
try, from  their  first  entrance  on  public  life  to  their 
final  retirement.  Even  to  dwell  minutely  on  the 
more  conspicuous  incidents  of  their  career,  would 
cause  me  to  trespass  too  far  on  the  proper  limits 
of  the  occasion,  and  to  repeat  what  is  well  known 
to  most  who  hear  me.  Let  us  only  enumerate 
those  few  leading  points  in  their  lives  and  charac- 
ters, which  will  best  guide  us  to  the  reflections  we 
ought  to  make,  while  we  stand  at  the  tombs  of 
these  excellent  and  honored  men. 

Mr  Adams  was  born  on  the  30th  October,  1735, 
and  Mr  Jefferson  on  the  13th  of  April,  1743.  One 
of  them  rose  from  the  undistinguished  mass  of  the 
community,  while  the  other,  born  in  higher  cir- 
cumstances, voluntarily  descended  into  its  ranks. 
Although  happily  in  this  country^it  cannot  be  said 
of  any  one,  that  he  owes  much  to  birth  or  family, 
yet  it  sometimes  happens,  even  under  the  perfect 
equality  which  fortunately  prevails  among  us,  that 
a  certain  degree  of  deference  follows  in  the  train 
of  family  connections,  apart  from  all  personal 
merit.  Mr  Adams  was  the  son  of  a  New  England 


19 

yeoman,  and  in  this  alone,  the  frugality  and  mode- 
ration of  his  bringing  up  are  sufficiently  related. 
Mr  Jefferson  owed  more  to  birth.  He  inherited  a 
good  estate  from  his  respectable  father ;  but  in- 
stead of  associating  himself  with  the  opulent  inter- 
est in  Virginia,  at  that  time,  in  consequence  of  the 
mode  in  which  their  estates  were  held  and  trans- 
mitted, an  exclusive  and  powerful  class,  and  of 
which  he  might  have  become  a  powerful  leader,  he 
threw  himself  into  the  ranks  of  the  people.  Indeed 
it  is  delightful  to  contemplate  the  illustrious  exhi- 
bition of  the  powers  of  native  genius,  which  the 
conduct  of  the  Revolution  presents  us,  and  in  none 
of  its  personages  more  conspicuously  than  in 
those  on  whose  characters  we  now  dwell.  It 
seemed  the  will  of  Providence,  in  laying  the  foun- 
dations of  a  great  system  of  republican  govern- 
ment, to  make  it  the  occasion  of  displaying  before 
the  world,  the  heart-cheering  spectacle  of  states- 
men and  warriors,  springing  from  the  bosom  of  a 
plain  and  simple  people,  from  the  villages  and 
mountains  of  a  distant  and  despised  colony,  and 
triumphantly  conflicting  in  the  cabinet  and  the 
fteld,  with  all  the  accomplishments,  the  skill,  and 
hereditary  cultivation  of  the  most  favored  children 
of  the  oldest  and  richest  states  in  Europe. 

A  propitious  coincidence  it  was,  that  of  these  two 
eminent  statesmen,  one  was  from  the  north  and 
the  other  from  the  south  ;  as  if,  in  the  happy  effects 


20 

of  their  united  action,  to  give  us  the  first  lesson  of 
union.  The  enemies  of  our  independence,  at  home 
and  abroad,  relied  on  the  difficulty  of  uniting  the 
colonies  in  one  harmonious  system.  They  knew 
the  difference  in  our  local  origin  ;  they  exaggerated 
the  points  of  dissimilarity  in  our  sectional  charac- 
ter. They  thought  the  south  would  feel  no  sym- 
pathy in  the  distresses  of  the  north  ;  that  the  north 
would  look  with  jealousy  on  the  character  and 
institutions  of  the  south.  It  seemed  therefore  most 
auspicious,  in  the  great  dispositions  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, that  while  the  north  and  the  south  had  each 
its  great  rallying  point,  in  Virginia  and  Massachu- 
setts, the  wise  and  good  men,  whose  influence  was 
most  felt  in  each,  moved  forward  in  brotherhood 
and  concert.  Mr  Quincy,  in  a  visit  to  the  southern 
colonies,  had  entered  into  an  extensive  correspon- 
dence with  the  friends  of  liberty,  in  that  part  of 
the  country.  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  his  brother 
Arthur  maintained  a  constant  intercourse  with 
Samuel  Adams.  Dr  Franklin,  though  a  citizen 
of  Pennsylvania,  was  a  native  of  Boston  ;  and  from 
the  first  moment  of  their  meeting  at  Philadelphia, 
Jefferson  and  Adams  began  to  co-operate  cordially, 
in  that  great  work  of  independence  to  which  they 
were  both  devoted.  While  the  theoretical  politi- 
cians of  Europe  were  speculating  on  our  local 
peculiarities,  and  the  British  ministry  were  build- 
ing their  best  hopes  upon  the  maxim,  divide  and 


21 

conquer,  they  might  well  have  been  astonished 
to  see  the  declaration  of  independence  reported 
into  Congress,  by  the  joint  labor  of  the  son  of  a 
Virginia  planter,  and  of  a  New  England  yeoman. 

The  education  of  Adams  and  Jefferson  was 
within  the  precincts  of  home.  They  received  their 
academical  instruction  at  the  seminaries  of  their 
native  States,  the  former  at  Cambridge,  the  latter 
at  William  and  Mary.  At  these  institutions,  they 
severally  laid  the  foundation  for  very  distinguished 
attainments  as  scholars,  and  formed  a  taste  for 
letters  which  was  fresh  and  craving  to  the  last. 
They  were  both  familiar  with  the  ancient  lan- 
guages, and  the  literature  they  contain.  Their 
range  in  the  various  branches  of  general  reading 
was  perhaps  equally  wide,  and  was  uncommonly 
extensive  ;  and  it  is,  I  believe,  doing  no  injustice 
to  any  other  honored  name  to  say,  that,  in  this 
respect,  they  stood  without  an  equal  in  the  band  of 
Revolutionary  worthies. 

Their  first  writings  were  devoted  to  the  cause  of 
their  country.  Mr  Adams  in  1 765  published  his  Es- 
say on  the  Canon  and  Feudal  Law,  which  two  years 
afterwards  was  republished  in  London,  and  was 
there  pronounced  one  of  the  ablest  performances 
which  had  crossed  the  Atlantic.*  It  expresses  the 

*The  copy  I  possess  of  this  work  was  printed  by  Almon,  at  London,  in  1768, 
as  a  sequel  to  some  other  political  pieces,  with  the  following  title,  and  prelim- 


boldest  and  most  elevated  sentiments,  in  language 
most  vigorous  and  animating  ;  and  might  have 
taught  in  its  tone,  what  it  taught  in  its  doctrine, 
that  America  must  be  unoppressed  or  must  become 
independent.  Among  Mr  Jefferson's  first  produc- 
tions was,  in  like  manner,  a  political  essay,  entitled 
'  A  Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British  Ame- 
rica.' It  contains,  in  some  parts,  a  near  approach 
to  the  ideas  and  language  of  the  declaration  of 
independence  ;  and  its  bold  spirit  and  polished, 
but  at  the  same  time  powerful  execution,  are 
known  to  have  had  their  effect,  in  causing  its  author 
to  be  designated  for  the  high  trusts  confided  to 
him  in  the  Continental  Congress.  At  a  later 

inary  note  :  '  The  following  dissertation,  which  was  written  at  Boston,  in  New- 
England,  in  the  year  1765,  and  then  printed  there  in  the  Gazette,  being  very 
curious,  and  having  connexion  with  this  publication,  it  is  thought  proper  to 
reprint  it.' 

'The  author  of  it  is  said  to  have  been  Jeremy  Gridley,  Esq.  Attorney-Gene- 
ral of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  member  of  the  General  Court, 
colonel  of  the  first  regiment  of  militia,  president  of  the  marine  society,  and 
grand  master  of  the  Free  Masons.     He  died  at  Boston,  Sept.  7,  1767. 
'  A  Dissertation  on  the  Canon  and  Feudal  Law.1 

This  copy  formerly  belonged  to  Dr  Andrew  Eliot,  to  whom  it  was  presented 
by  Thomas  Hollis.  Directly  above  the  title  is  written,  apparently  in  Dr  A. 
Eliot's  hand-writing,  '  The  author  of  this  dissertation  is  John  Adams,  Esq.' 
And  at  the  foot  of  the  page  is  the  following  note,  in  the  same  hand-writing, 
but  marked  with  inverted  commas,  as  a  quotation,  and  signed  T.  H. 

'  The  Dissertation  on  the  Canon  and  Feudal  Law  is  one  of  the  very  finest 
productions  ever  seen  from  N.  America.' 

'  By  a  letter  from  Boston  in  N.  E.  signed  SUI  JURIS,  inserted  in  that 
valuable  newspaper,  the  London  Chronicle,  July  19,  it  should  seem  the  writer 
of  it  happily  yet  lives  /'  T.  H. 

This  was  said  fifty -eight  years  ago  ! 


23 

period  of  life,  Mr  Jefferson  became  the  author  of 
the  Notes  on  Virginia,  a  work  equally  admired  in 
Europe  and  America  ;  and  Mr  Adams  of  the 
Deforce  of  the  American  Constitutions,  a  perform- 
ance that  would  do  honor  to  the  political  literature 
of  any  country.  But,  in  enumerating  their  literary 
productions,  it  must  be  remembered,  that  they  were 
both  employed,  the  greater  part  of  their  lives,  in 
the  active  duties  of  public  service  ;  and  that  the 
fruits  of  their  intellect  are  not  to  be  sought  in  the 
systematic  volumes  of  learned  leisure,  but  on  the 
files  of  office,  in  the  archives  of  state,  and  in  a  most 
extensive  public  and  private  correspondence. 

The  professional  education  of  these  distinguished 
statesmen  had  been  in  the  law ;  and  was  therefore 
such  as  peculiarly  fitted  them  for  the  contest,  in 
which  they  were  to  act  as  leaders.  The  law  of 
England,  then  the  law  of  America,  is  closely  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  the  liberty  of  England. 
Many  of  the  questions  at  issue  between  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  were 
questions  of  constitutional,  if  not  of  common  law. 
For  the  discussion  of  these  questions  the  legal 
profession  furnished  the  best  preparation.  In 
general  the  contest  was,  happily  for  the  colonies, 
at  first  forensic  ;  a  contest  of  discussion,  and  of  ar- 
gumentation ;  affording  time,  and  opportunity,  and 
excitement  to  diffuse  throughout  the  people,  and 
stamp  deeply  on  their  minds,  the  great  principles. 


which  having  first  been  triumphantly  sustained  in 
the  argument,  were  then  to  be  confirmed  in  the 
field.  This  required  the  training  of  the  patriot 
lawyer,  and  this  was  the  office  which,  in  that  capa- 
city, was  eminently  discharged  by  Jefferson  and 
Adams,  to  the  doubtful  liberties  of  their  country. 
The  cause,  in  which  they  were  engaged,  abundantly 
repaid  the  service  and  the  hazard.  It  gave  them 
precisely  that  amplitude  of  view  and  elevation  of 
feeling,  which  the  technical  routine  of  the  profes- 
sion is  too  apt  to  stifle.  Their  practice  of  the  law 
was  not  in  the  narrow  litigation  of  the  courts,  but 
in  the  great  forum  of  contending  -empires.  It  was 
not  nice  legal  fictions  they  were  there  employed 
to  balance,  but  sober  realities  of  indescribable 
weight.  The  life  and  death  of  their  country  was 
the  all  important  issue.  Nor  did  their  country 
afterwards  afford  them  leisure  for  the  ordinary 
practice  of  their  profession.  Mr  Jefferson  indeed 
in  1776  and  1777  was  employed  with  Wythe  and 
Pendleton  in  an  entire  revision  of  the  code  of 
Virginia  ;  and  Mr  Adams  was  offered  about  the 
same  time  the  first  seat  on  the  bench  of  the  Supe- 
rior Court  of  his  native  State.  But  each  was  short- 
ly afterwards  called  to  a  foreign  mission,  and 
spent  the  rest  of  the  active  years  of  his  life,  with 
scarce  an  interval,  in  the  political  service  of  his 
country. 


25 

Such  was  the  education  and  quality  of  these 
men,  when  the  Revolutionary  contest  came  on. 
In  1774,  and  on  the  17th  of  June,  a  day  destined 
to  be  in  every  way  illustrious,  Mr  Adams  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  of 
which  body  he  was  signalized,  from  the  first,  as 
a  distinguished  leader.  In  the  month  of  June  in 
the  following  year,  when  a  commander  in  chief 
was  to  be  chosen  for  the  American  armies,  and 
when  that  appointment  seemed  in  course  to  belong 
to  the  commanding  general  of  the  brave  army,  from 
Massachusetts  and  the  neighboring  States,  which 
had  rushed.., to  the*  field,  Mr  Adams  nominated 
George  Wa^Jiijjgton  to  that  all-important  post,  and 
was  thus  far :!Jjjfe  means  of  securing  the  blessing  of 
his  guidance>trf  the  American  armies.  In  August 

1775,  Mr  lelrefrsbn  took  his  seat  in  the  Continental 
Congress,  preceded  by  the  fame  of  being  one  of 
the  most  accomplished  and  powerful  champions  of 
the  cause,  though  among  the  youngest  members  of 
the  body.     It  was  the  wish  of  Mr  Adams,  and  pro- 
bably of  Mr  Jefferson,  that  independence  should 
be  declared  in  the  fall  of  1 775  ;  but  the  country 
seemed  not  then  ripe  for  the  measure. 

At  length  the  accepted  time  arrived.     In  May 

1776,  the  colonies  on  the  proposition  of  Mr  Adams, 
were  invited  by  the  General  Congress,  to  establish 
their  several  State  governments.     On  the  7th  of 


26 

June  the  resolution  of  independence  was  moved 
by  Richard  Henry  Lee.  On  the  llth  a  committee 
of  five  was  chosen,  to  announce  this  resolution  to 
the  world ;  and  Thomas  Jefferson  and  John  Adams 
stood  at  the  head  of  this  committee.  From  their 
designation  by  ballot  to  this  most  honorable  duty, 
their  elevated  standing  in  the  Congress  might  alone 
be  inferred.  In  their  amicable  contention  and 
deference  each  to  the  other  of  the  great  trust  of 
composing  the  all-important  document,  we  witness 
their  patriotic  disinterestedness  and  their  mutual 
respect.  This  trust  devolved  on  Jefferson,  and 
with  it  rests  on  him  the  imperishable  renown  of 
having  penned  the  declaration  of  independence  of 
America.  To  have  been  the  instrument  of  express- 
ing, in  one  brief  decisive  act,  the  concentrated  will 
and  resolution  of  a  whole  family  of  States  ;  of  un- 
folding, in  one  all-important  manifesto,  the  causes, 
the  motives,  the  justification  of  the  great  move- 
ment in  human  affairs  which  was  then  taking 
place ;  to  have  been  permitted  to  give  the  impress 
and  peculiarity  of  his  own  mind,  to  a  charter  of 
public  right,  destined,  or  rather  let  me  say  already 
elevated  to  an  importance,  in  the  estimation  of 
men,  beyond  everything  human,  ever  borne  on 
parchment,  or  expressed  in  the  visible  signs  of 
thought,  this  is  the  glory  of  Thomas  Jefferson. 
To  have  been  among  the  first  of  those  who  fore- 
saw, and  foreseeing  broke  the  way  for  this  great 


27 

consummation  ;  to  have  been  the  mover  of  nume- 
rous decisive  acts,  its  undoubted  precursors ;  to 
have  been  among  many  able  and  generous  spirits, 
that  united  in  this  perilous  adventure,  by  acknowl- 
edgment unsurpassed  in  zeal,  and  unequalled  in 
power ;  to  have  been  exclusively  associated  with 
the  author  of  the  declaration  ;  and  then,  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  an  eloquence  as  prompt  as  it  was  over- 
whelming, to  have  taken  the  lead  in  inspiring  the 
Congress  to  adopt  and  proclaim  it,  this  is  the  glory 
of  John  Adams. 

Nor  was  it  among  common  and  inferior  minds, 
that  these  men  enjoyed  their  sublime  pre-eminence. 
In  the  body  that  elected  Mr  Jefferson  to  draft  the 
declaration  of  independence,  there  sat  a  patriot 
sage,  than  whom  the  English  language  does  not 
boast  a  better  writer,  Benjamin  Franklin.  And 
Mr  Adams  was  pronounced  by  Mr  Jefferson  him- 
self the  ablest  advocate  of  independence,  in  a 
Congress,  which  could  boast  among  its  members 
such  men  as  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
and  our  own  Samuel  Adams.  They  were  great  and 
among  great  men  ;  mightiest  among  the  mighty  ; 
and  enjoyed  their  lofty  standing  in  a  body,  of  which 
half  the  members  might  with  honor  have  presided 
over  the  deliberative  councils  of  a  nation. 

All  glorious  as  their  office  in  this  council  of  sages 


28 

has  proved,  they  beheld  the  glory  only,  in  distant 
vision,  while  the  prospect  before  them  was  shroud- 
ed with  darkness  and  lowering  with  terror.  '  I  am 
not  transported  with  enthusiasm,'  is  the  language 
of  Mr  Adams,  the  day  after  the  resolution  was 
adopted,  '  I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil,  the  treasure, 
and  the  blood  it  will  cost,  to  maintain  this  declara- 
tion, to  support  and  defend  these  States.  Yet 
through  all  the  gloom,  I  can  see  a  ray  of  light  and 
glory.  I  can  see  that  the  end  is  worth  more  than 
all  the  means.'  Nor  was  it  the  rash  adventure  of 
uneasy  spirits,  who  had  everything  to  gain  and 
nothing  to  risk  by  their  enterprize.  They  left  all  for 
their  country's  sake.  Who  does  not  see  that  Adams 
and  Jefferson  might  have  risen  to  any  station  in  the 
British  empire.  They  might  have  revelled  in  the 
royal  bounty  ;  they  might  have  shared  the  imperial 
counsels  ;  they  might  have  stood  within  the  shadow 
of  the  throne  which  they  shook  to  its  base.  It  was 
in  the  full  understanding  of  their  all  but  desperate 
choice,  that  they  chose  for  their  country.  Many 
were  the  inducements,  which  called  them  to  ano- 
ther choice.  The  dread  voice  of  authority  ;  the 
array  of  an  empire's  power  ;  the  pleadings  of 
friendship  ;  the  yearning  of  their  hearts  towards 
the  land  of  their  fathers'  sepulchres  ;  the  land 
which  the  great  champions  of  constitutional  liberty 
still  made  venerable  ;  the  ghastly  vision  of  the 
gibbet,  if  they  failed  ;  all  the  feelings  which  grew 


29 

from  these  sources  were  to  be  stifled  and  kept 
down,  for  a  dearer  treasure  was  at  stake.  They 
were  anything  but  adventurers,  anything  but  male- 
contents.  They  loved  peace,  they  loved  order, 
they  loved  law,  they  loved  a  manly  obedience  to 
constitutional  authority  ;  but  they  chiefly  loved  free- 
dom and  their  country ;  and  they  took  up  the  ark 
of  her  liberties  with  pure  hands,  and  bore  it  through 
in  triumph  for  their  strength  was  in  Heaven. 

And  how  shall  I  attempt  to  follow  them  through 
the  succession  of  great  events,  which  a  rare  and 
kind  Providence  crowded  into  their  lives;  how 
shall  I  attempt  to  count  all  the  links  of  that  bright 
chain,  which  binds  the  perilous  hour  of  their  first 
efforts  for  freedom,  with  the  rich  enjoyment  of  its 
consummation  ?  How  shall  I  attempt  to  enumerate 
the  posts  they  filled  and  the  trusts  they  discharged  at 
home  and  abroad,  both  in  the  councils  of  their  native 
States,  and  of  the  federation  ;  both  before  and  after 
the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution  :  the  codes 
of  law  and  systems  of  government  they  aided  in 
organizing  ;  the  foreign  embassies  they  sustained  ; 
the  alliances  with  powerful  States  they  contracted, 
when  America  was  weak  ;  the  loans  and  subsidies, 
they  procured  from  foreign  powers  when  America 
was  poor  ;  the  treaties  of  peace  and  commerce, 
which  they  negotiated  ;  their  participation  in  the 
earliest  councils  of  the  federal  government,  Mr 


30 

Adams  as  the  first  Vice-President,  Mr  Jefferson 
as  the  first  Secretary  of  State ;  their  mutual  pos- 
session of  the  confidence  of  the  only  man,  to  whom 
his  country  accorded  a  higher  place ;  and  their 
successive  administrations  in  chief  of  the  interests 
of  this  great  republic.  These  all  are  laid  up  in 
the  annals  of  the  country ;  her  archives  are  filled 
with  the  productions  of  their  fertile  and  cultivated 
minds ;  the  pages  of  her  history  are  bright  with  the 
lustre  of  their  achievements  ;  and  the  welfare  and 
happiness  of  America  pronounce,  in  one  general 
eulogy,  the  just  encomium  of  their  services. 

Nor  need  we  fear,  fellow-citizens,  to  speak  of 
their  political  dissentions.  If  they  who  opposed 
each  other,  and  arrayed  the  nation,  in  their  ardu- 
ous contention,  were  able  in  the  bosom  of  private 
life  to  forget  their  former  struggles,  we  surely  may 
contemplate  them,  even  in  this  relation,  with  calm- 
ness. Of  the  counsels  adopted  and  the  measures 
pursued  in  the  storm  of  political  warfare,  I  pre- 
sume not  to  speak.  I  knew  these  great  men,  not 
as  opponents,  but  as  friends  to  each  other ;  not  in 
the  keen  prosecution  of  a  political  controversy,  but 
in  the  cultivation  of  a  friendly  correspondence.  As 
they  respected  and  honored  each  other,  I  respect 
and  honor  both.  Time  too  has  removed  the  foun- 
dation of  their  dissentions.  The  principles  on 
which  they  contended  are  settled,  some  in  favor  of 


31 

one  and  some  in  favor  of  the  other  :  the  great  fo- 
reign interests,  that  lent  ardor  to  the  struggle  have 
happily  lost  their  hold  on  the  American  people  : 
and  the  politics  of  the  country  now  turn  on  ques- 
tions not  agitated  in  their  days.  Meantime,  I 
know  not  whether,  if  we  had  it  in  our  power  to 
choose  between  the  recollection  of  these  revered 
men,  as  they  were,  and  what  they  would  have  been 
without  their  great  struggle,  we  could  wish  them 
to  have  been  other  than  they  were,  even  in  this  re- 
spect. Twenty  years  of  friendship  succeeding  ten 
of  rivalry  appear  to  me  a  more  amiable  and  cer- 
tainly a  more  instructive  spectacle,  even  than  a  life 
of  unbroken  concert.  As  a  friend  to  both  their 
respected  memories,  I  would  not  willingly  spare 
the  attestation,  which  they  were  pleased  to  render 
to  each  other's  characters.  We  are  taught,  in  the 
valedictory  lessons  of  our  Washington  that  '  the 
spirit  of  party  is  the  worst  enemy  of  a  popular  go- 
vernment ;'  shall  we  not  rejoice  that  we  are  taught, 
in  the  lives  of  our  Adams  and  our  Jefferson,  that 
the  most  embittered  contentions,  which  as  yet  have 
divided  us,  furnish  no  ground  for  lasting  disunion. 
In  their  lives  did  I  say  ?  Oh,  not  in  their  lives 
alone,  but  in  that  mysterious  and  lovely  union 
which  has  called  them  together  to  the  grave. 

1  They  strove  in  such  great  rivalry 

Of  means,  as  noblest  ends  allow  ; 

And  blood  was  warm,  and  zeal  was  high, 


32 

But  soon  their  strife  was  o'er ;    and  now 
Their  hatred  and  their  love  are  lost, 
Their  envy  buried  in  the  dust.' 

The  declining  period  of  their  lives  presents  their 
own  characters,  in  the  most  delightful  aspect,  and 
furnishes  the  happiest  illustration  of  the  perfection 
of  our  political  system.  We  behold  a  new  specta- 
cle of  moral  sublimity ;  the  peaceful  old  age  of  the 
retired  chiefs  of  the  republic  ;  an  evening  of  learn- 
ed, useful,  and  honored  leisure  following  upon  a 
youth  of  hazard,  a  manhood  of  service,  a  whole  life 
of  alternate  trial  and  success.  We  behold  them 
indeed  active  and  untiring,  even  to  the  last.  At  the 
advanced  age  of  eightyfive  years,  our  venerable  fel- 
low-citizen and  neighbor,  is  still  competent  to  take 
a  part  in  the  councils  for  revising  the  state  constitu- 
tion, to  whose  original  formation  forty  years  before 
he  so  essentially  contributed ;  and  Mr  Jefferson, 
at  the  same  protracted  term  of  life  was  able  to  pro- 
ject and  carry  on  to  their  completion,  the  extensive 
establishments  of  the  University  of  Virginia. 

But  it  is  the  great  and  closing  scene,  which  ap- 
pears, by  higher  allotment,  to  crown  their  long  and 
exalted  career,  with  a  consummation  almost  mira- 
culous. Having  done  so  much  and  so  happily  for 
themselves,  so  much  and  so  beneficially  for  their 
country ;  at  that  last  moment,  when  man  can  no 
more  do  anything  for  his  country  or  for  himself,  it 


33 

pleased  a  kind  Providence  to  take  their  existence 
into  his  hands,  and  to  do  that  for  both  of  them,  which, 
to  the  end  of  time,  will  cause  them  to  be  deemed, 
not  more  happy  in  the  renown  of  their  lives  than  in 
the  opportunity  of  their  death.* 

I  could  give  neither  force  nor  interest  to  the  ac- 
count of  these  sublime  and  touching  scenes,  by  any 
thing  beyond  the  simple  recital  of  the  facts,  al- 
ready familiar  to  the  public.  The  veil  of  eternity 
was  first  lifted  up,  from  before  the  eyes  of  Mr  Jef- 
ferson. For  several  weeks  his  strength  had  been 
gradually  failing,  though  his  mind's  vigor  remained 
unimpaired.  As  he  drew  nearer  to  the  last,  and 
no  expectation  remained  that  his  term  could  be 
much  protracted,  he  expressed  no  other  wish,  than 
that  he  might  live  to  breathe  the  air  of  the  fiftieth 
anniversary  of  independence.  This  he  was  gra- 
ciously permitted  to  do.  But  it  was  evident,  on  the 
morning  of  the  fourth,  that  Providence  intended 
that  this  day,  consecrated  by  his  deed,  should  now 
be  solemnized  by  his  death.  On  some  momentary 
revival  of  his  wasting  strength,  the  friends  around 
would  have  soothed  him  with  the  hope  of  continu- 
ing ;  but  he  answered  their  kind  encouragements 
only  by  saying,  he  did  not  fear  to  die.  Once,  as 
he  drew  nearer  to  his  close,  he  lifted  up  his  lan- 

*  Tacit.  J.  Ajricol.  Vit.  c.  XLV. 
E 


34 

guid  head  and  murmured  with  a  smile,  « it  is  the 
fourth  of  July  ;'  while  his  repeated  exclamation,  on 
the  last  great  day  was,  Nunc  dimittis,  Domine, 
'  Lord,  now  lettest  thou  thy  servant  depart  in 
peace.'  He  departed  in  peace,  a  little  before  one 
o'clock  of  this  memorable  day ;  unconscious  that 
his  co-patriot,  who  fifty  years  before  had  shared  its 
efforts  and  perils,  was  now  the  partner  of  its  glory. 

Mr  Adams'  mind  had  also  wandered  back,  over 
the  long  line  of  great  things,  with  which  his  life 
was  filled,  and  found  rest  on  the  thought  of  Inde- 
pendence. When  the  discharges  of  artillery  pro- 
claimed the  triumphant  anniversary,  he  pronounced 
it  '  a  great  and  a  good  day.'  The  thrilling  word 
of  Independence,  which,  fifty  years  before,  in  the 
ardor  of  his  manly  strength  he  had  sounded  out  to 
the  nations,  at  the  head  of  his  country's  councils, 
was  now  among  the  last  that  dwelt  on  his  quivering 
lips ;  and  when,  toward  the  hour  of  noon,  he  felt 
his  noble  heart  growing  cold  within  him,  the  last 
emotion  which  warmed  it  was,  that  '  Jefferson  still 
survives.'  But  he  survives  not ;  he  is  gone  :  Ye, 
are  gone  together ! 

Take  them,  Great  God,  together  to  thy  Rest ! 

Friends,  fellow-citizens,  free,  prosperous,  happy 
Americans  !  The  men  who  did  so  much  to  make 


IARY 


you  so,  are  no  more.     The  men  who  gave  notka 
to  pleasure  in  youth,  nothing  to  repose  in  age, 
all  to  that  country,  whose  beloved  name  filled  tht  - 
hearts  as  it  does  ours,  with  joy,  can  now  do  i™ 
more  for  us  ;  nor  we  for  them.     But  their  memory  _ 
remains,  we  will  cherish   it  ;  their  bright  example 
remains,  we  will  strive  to  imitate  it  ;  the  print  of 
their  wise  counsels  and  noble  acts  remain,  we  will 
gratefully  enjoy  it. 

They  have  gone  to  the  companions  of  their 
cares,  of  their  dangers,  and  their  toils.  It  is  well 
with  them.  The  treasures  of  America  are  now  in 
Heaven.  How  long  the  list  of  our  good,  and  wise, 
and  brave,  assembled  there  ;  how  few  remain  with 
us.  There  is  our  Washington  ;  and  those,  who 
followed  him  in  their  country's  confidence,  are  now 
met  together  with  him,  and  all  that  illustrious 
company. 

The  faithful  marble  may  preserve  their  image  ; 
the  engraven  brass  may  proclaim  their  worth  ;  but 
the  humblest  sod  of  Independent  America,  with 
nothing  but  the  devvdrops  of  the  morning  to  gild 
it,  is  a  prouder  mausoleum  than  kings  or  conquer- 
ors can  boast.  The  country  is  their  monument. 
Its  independence  is  their  epitaph.  But  not  to  their 
country  is  their  praise  limited.  The  whole  earth 
is  the  monument  of  illustrious  men.  Wherever  an 


people  shall  perish,  in  a  generous  con- 
foulsion,  for  want  of  a  valiant  arm  and  a  fearless 
thfart,  they  will  cry,  in  the  last  accents  of  despair. 
'  jh,  for  a  Washington,  an  Adams,  a  Jefferson. 
ptVherever  a  regenerated  nation,  starting  up  in  its 
might,  shall  burst  the  links  of  steel  that  enchain  it, 
the  praise  of  our  venerated  Fathers  shall  be  the 
prelude  of  their  triumphal  song. 

The  contemporary  and  successive  generations  of 
men  will  disappear.  In  the  long  lapse  of  ages,  the 
Tribes  of  America,  like  those -of  Greece  and  Rome, 
may  pass  away.  The  fabric;  of  American  Freedom, 
like  all  things  human,  however  firm  and  fair,  may 
crumble  into  dust.  But  the  cause  in  which  these 
our  Fathers  shone  is  immortal.  They  did  that,  to 
which  no  age,  no  peoplj^of .reasoning  men,  can  be 
indifferent.  Their  euJ6gy  wjll  be  uttered  in  other 
languages,  when  thoscwe  speakflike  us  who  speak 
them,  shall  be  all  forgotten.  And  when  the  great 
account  of  humanity  shall  be  closed  at  the  throne 
of  God,  in  the  bright  list  of  his  children,  who  best 
adorned  and  served  it,  shall  be  found  ijie  names  of 
our  Adams  and  our  Jefferson. 


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